Children’s Use of Pointing to Anchor Reference during Story-telling
نویسندگان
چکیده
Young children are notoriously bad story-tellers. Their stories often lack minimal plot structure, rely on crude temporal sequencing, and make little (if any) use of the rich linguistic devices that allow adults to cohesively bind sentences together in a narrative (Berman and Slobin, 1994). The studies reported here investigate one story-telling dimension that children have trouble with: the maintenance of discourse anaphora. Within a sentence, nominal reference is governed by the syntax-semantics of the binding conditions (cf. Chomsky 1986, Reinhart & Reuland 1993). Across sentences, however, it depends on extra-grammatical features such as information flow, continuity expectations, and speaker and listener knowledge states (cf. Heim 1982, Grosz, Joshi & Weinstein 1995). Discourse anaphora is rule-governed, but the rules make reference to more than just linguistic structures, and are sometimes probabilistic in application. It is perhaps not surprising, therefore, that young children have difficulty in making all their nominal elements refer successfully in a discourse. Karmiloff-Simth (1981) documented children’s difficulty with discourse anaphora (among other things). She had children tell short stories from sequences of cartoon pictures. Based on a holistic classification of children’s stories, she found that 77% of children in her youngest group (aged 4 years) told “Level 1” stories. One of the primary criteria for the Level 1 classification was that children’s nominal references were used in a deictic function. That is, children used their linguistic forms (most often pronouns) to point directly to their intended referents, with no consideration of the prior linguistic discourse. An example of part of a Level 1 story from KarmiloffSmith’s study is shown in (1).
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تاریخ انتشار 2005